華岡佛學學報第02期 (p1-24): (民國61年),臺北:中華學術佛學研究所,http://www.chibs.edu.tw
Hua-Kang Buddhist Journal, No. 02, (1972)
Taipei: The Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies
ISSN:
W. Pachow
University of Iowa
It has been claimed that Hung-lou mêng (la) or the Red Chamber Dream [1] by Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in (2a) is one of the most outstanding novels in China. This claim is made without any exaggeration, but on merit. For nearly a century a host of scholars devoted themselves to the research and investigation of this work, with special reference to its author. They penetratedinto the spheres of ideology, life and times of Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in. They also made many surmises with an intention of identifying some of the characters mentioned in the novel with leading Chinese personalities of the eighteenth century. As a sequel, the term Redology[2] was coined, and to those engaged in this type of research were called Redologists. From this, one can, at least, get an inkling of its importance and popularity.
Regarding the merit of this work, scholars and critics hold quite different views. Some shower on it with generous praise saying that it is a great masterpiece, while others brand it as a debased publication publicizing obsenity and immorality.[3] Some say that it is a work representing the humanistic and democratic spirit which revolts against the feudalistic system[4] and institutions of the Manchu dynasty, while others say thay it is merely a biographical reminiscence of the author which may be realistic in outlook, but mingled with imaginary fantasies. Yet another school of scholars say that its ideals and inner significance are very complicated, where of, it rather difficult for people to comprehend them. Perhaps we are a little puzzled at these divergent views. We would welcome an impartial judgment with regard to the merit and demerit of this great novel.
The purpose of the present article is not intended to identify the leading characters with known personalities, nor to study the life of the author. We wish, however, to investigate two important aspects, viz., 1) the pessimistic philosophical outlook on life which influenced the thought of the author, and 2) the religious institution and practices which formed a part of Chinese social life in the eighteenth century. The first is directly concerned with the author’s
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philosophy on life, and the second is a study on the social life of Ch’ing China based on the descriptions and reflections of this book. Our aim of study, as defined above, is absolutely objective in nature. It is hoped, therefore, that it may not cause any unnecessary controversy which a Radologist, normally, would not like to miss.
Anyone who has read the Red Chamber Dream will form the impression that human existence consists of two aspects, namely, the bright side and the dark side. On the bright side, there is love, joy, laughter, glory, wealth, fame, high position and fortune; and on the dark side, there is hatred, sorrow, misery, low status and misfortune. Most of us, at a certain stage during our lifetime, must have experienced some of the items as mentioned above. A few fortunate ones may enjoy a longer period of sunshine of life, whereas the unfortunate may be suffering all the time. However, as human beings are mortal and subject to change, the happiness they enjoy is but transitory and impermanent. Anything that is impermanent is a cause leading to sorrow. Therefore, the fortunate, who are happy, are in fact not very much better off than the unfortunate, who are unhappy; although there seem to be differences between them. The whole trouble is that nobody can live for ever, and inevitably everything is subject to the law of change. This is an eternal truth, however little we may like it. Well then, have we ever felt that human life is like a ‘dream’? It appears to be real, but at the same time it is elusive, nebulous, and intangible, and finally it will fade away. It is very likely that when Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in wrote the Red Chamber Dream, he had already collected a rich harvest of experience in life. He knew what was love and luxury, especially so as he was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. On the other hand, he also knew very well the suffering caused by hardship and poverty. In his case, the contrast of the two extremes was very great. Therefore, the pain experienced by him was exceptionally severs. The fruition of such an experience is the birth of the Red Chamber Dream-a great drama woven with the threads of laughter and tears. It is beyone any shadow of doubt that this novel is one of the masterpieces of world literature.
It may not be out of place here, if we trace the circumstances under which Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in, the author, wrote this work. He belonged to the family of a
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highranking official of the Ch’ing dynasty (1616-1911), and some members of that family successively held important government positions for about a century from 1650 to 1745. From 1663 onwards, Ts’ao His (3a), his great grandfather, Ts’ao Yin (4a), his grandfather, Ts’ao Yü (5a), his uncle and Ts’ao Fu (6a), his father, were successive Commissioners of Textiles stationed at Nanking. (7a) His grandfather had the unique honour of being commissioned to receive Emperor K’ang-his (1662-1722) (8a) during his several Imperial tours to Southern China. This indicates the great confidence the Manch Emperor had reposed on his grandfather, and indirectly it signifies how influential this family was. However, when Emperor Yung-chêng (172-31735) (9a), the second ruler of the Ch’ing dynasty, ascended the throne in 1723, misfortune began to strike this family. About 1724 his father was dismissed from the office of Commissioner of Textiles. The official accusation was that he had committed embezzlement of public funds. In the following year their palatial mansion, along with other property in Nanking, was confiscated, with the exeption of the estate that was left in Peking. Consequently they had to return to Northern China after a period of over sixth five years. This unfortunate event seems to have been closely associated with a political involvement. Some twelve years later,when Ch’ien-nung (1736-1795) (10a), the third Emperor, succeeded to the throne in 1736, the Ts’ao family was pardoned, and his father was reinstated as a Secretary to the Board of Civil Affairs. (11a) This welcome opportunity gave this family a new lease of life and a sigh of relief. But, unfortunately this did not last very long. In approximately 1745 when our author was about twenty two years of age, the Ts’ao family received another blow of misfortune, the cause of which is still a mystery. Thence the glory of that distinguished House, which had lasted for a century, began to crumple to dust, and finally merged into oblivion.
The Red Chamber Dream was written after the final crash. At that time, our author lived in a dilapidated hut in the western suburb of Peking as a destitute. As he could not afford the cost of rice for his meals, he was forced to take gruel as a stable diet throughout the years. In addition, he was occasionally humiliated under unavoidable circumstances. Compared to the comfort and luxury he used to enjoy, this, indeed, was a shocking experience to him. Being sensitive in nature, the author obviously could not bear all the suffering, whenever he recalled to mind the past glory of the good old days. To add sorrow to misery, his only son, after a protracted illness, passed away in 1763. He was deeply shocked. The grief that struck him was so intense that within a short time, he, too, fell seriously ill. On a dreary wintry day of the same year, he peacefully bid good-bye to his miserable existence of forty years (Ca. 1724-1763).[5]
Such was the sad and pathetic tale of the personal life of Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in. Undoubtedly his experience of bitter struggle must have influenced his philosophical outlook on life. The very title, in the form of ‘Red Chamber Dream’, reflects the illusion of worldly phenomena. One can imagine in what frame of mind when he wrote the book, and naturally he was very bitter about the whole affair. His introductory verse to the Record on the Stone, otherwise known as the Red Chamber Dream, is ample evidence to this inference. It runs as follows:
These pages are full of non-sensical tales, And a hanful of sorrow-soaked tears. All say that the author is devoid of his senses, But who understands the inner significance?
We all know that Chia Pao-yü (12a), the hero of the Red Chamber Dream, was born with a piece of ‘Precious Jade’ and hence he was named after it. He lived a life of great luxury, and was always in the company of beautiful young girls. He was intelligent, talented and well-versed in literary works, except the Confucian classics. This is because he did not like the idea of getting a government job by means of passing the civil service examinations. He was well looked after and protected by his mother, grandmother and elder sister Yüan-ch’ün (13a), who was an Imperial secondary consort, and others. On account of this, he was soft and thoroughly spoilt. As these well-wishers liked to see him happily settled down, Pao-yü was married to Pao-ch’ai (14a), a cousin of his, through conspiracy. Actually, he preferred to marry Tai-yü (15a), another cousin of his, and the heroine of the book. On the other hand, this beautiful young lady of delicate health was in love with Pao-yü. They thought secretly to themselves that they would make an ideal couple. However, Fate did not favour them in their plans. Lying on her sick bed, one day she learnt that Pao-yü was getting married to her rival. She was shocked beyond words. Having burnt a handkerchief, which was given to her by Pao-yü as a token of love, and the manuscripts of her
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poems, she breathed her last. It is suggested that while she went through all e agonies of death, she might have faintly heard the marching band which led Pao-yü’s wedding procession.[6][7][8]
Not long after this, Pao-yü accompanied by Chia Lan (16a), his nephew, set it for the provincial examination. On the last day of the examination, he was st in the crowd, and could not be traced.[9] Many months later, his father Chia heng (17a), while visiting a place called Pi-lin i (18a), saw a young Buddhist ovice who had a close resemblance to Pao-yü. Having kowtowed to him four times, his young novice went away in the company of a Buddhist monk and a Taoist riest, without uttering a word.[10]
Thus, Pao-yü’s life-sketch comes to an end, and long with it the novel itself, One would like to ask: What is the substance and achievement of Pao-yü’s life? Practically speaking it achieved nothing, except for the fact that the hero had a glorious time and a tragic ending. In general, this is the very essence which constitutes human existence, viz., happiness and sorrow, laughter and tears, and finally death comes along.
The conception of impermanence and unreality of life has occupied a very rominent place in this book. In his introductory note, the author has made this point very clear. He says:
I have frequently used the words such as ‘dream’, ‘illusion’ and so forth in the various chapters. This is the objective of my book. But it may also serve the purpose of making my readers be aware of this idea.[11][12]
Among the names of persons and places we come acrossthe following i) K’ung-k’ung tao-jên (19a) or the Taoist of Emptiness, ii) Mang-mang ta-shih (20a) or the Great Scholar of Boundlessness, iii) Miao-miao chên-jên (21a) or the Perfect Man of Non-substantiality, iv) Ching-hüan-hsien-tzū (22a) or The Fairy Queen-of-Warning-the-Illusive[13] of the Phantom Realm of the Great Void (T’ai-hsü huan-chin) (23a)[14], v) Chao-ti ssū (24a) or the Department of Morning Tears, vi) Mo-k’u ssū (25a) or the Department of Night Sobbing and vii) Po-min ssū (26a) or the Department of Misfortune in Life.[15] Of considerable philosophical interest is a note which explains the meaning of the Phantom Realm of the Great Void. It runs thus:
When unreal is taken to be real, the real is unreal; and when nonexistence is taken for existence, that existence is non-existent.
The above-mentioned names suggest a tinge of sadness. It is obvious that the mind of the author can be read through these hints.
Dwelling on the theme of impermanence, unreality and sorrow, the author writes excellent poems using melancholic expressions. Take for instance:
……one is the moon reflected in the water, and the other a flower in the mirror. As for tears, how much more are there in the eyes? How could they flow endlessly, from Autumn to Winter, and from Spring to Summer?[16]
An ordinary man knows very well the importance of becoming an Immortal (Shen-hsien) (29a). But he is attached to i) worldly interest such as high positions in the civil and military services, ii) wealth and property, iii) beautiful spouse and iv) lovely children and other family ties. To each of these categories, the author makesthe following comment:
i) Where are the generals and prime ministers of ancient and recent times now? Well, they are in the shapeless heaps of graves which are covered withweeds. |
ii) Day in and day out he regrets that he has not been able to collect much money. And when he has earned enough, he breathes his last, and his eyes are closed for ever! |
iii) While you live, your wife everyday talks of her love for you. But after your death, she goes to other men. |
iv) From time immemorial, there are parents who show undivided parental love to their children. But has any body ever seen filial devotion in his offspring?[17] |
This facts mentioned in i) and ii) are absolutely true, though they are unpalatable to most of us. The generalization as found in iii) and iv) may not be applicable to certain cases. Still, one can never be sure what the wife would
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do, when the husband is no more. It is due to such attachment that hinders man from becoming an Immortal. In other words, it means that man is mortal and impermanent.
The poem of Lamanting Over the Flowers is attributed to Tai-yü, the young heroine. It makes one feel very sad when she says:
Now you are dead, I am burying you.
I know not when I shall die.
People laugh at me for burying the flowers
And say that I am mad.
How do I know who will bury me in the future?[18]
It is, indeed, a moment of joy when we see flowers bloom. But we cannot expect the flowers to stay blooming for ever. They will fade away in course of time. Similarly, we cannot expect human beings to remain young and beautiful for ever. They will become old and finally pass away. Obviously there is hardly anything that is truly permanent.
Other titles[19] of his poetical compositions such as i) Hen wu-chang (30a) or Regrets of Impermanence, ii) Fen ku-ju (31a) or Seperation from One’s Dear ones, iii) Lo-chung-pei (32a) or Sorrow in Happiness, iv) Hsü-hua wu (33a) or Realization of the Flower of Unreality and v) Hao-shih chung (34a) or the End of Good fortune and so forth point to the same concept of pessimism. As Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in was one of the pioneers in realistic writing, the stress on sorrow and impermanence would intensify the dramatic effect. He was very successful in this respect. However, one should not forget the fact that his bitter experience must have influenced his philosophical outlook on life to a great extent. Of course, one cannot deny that there were occasional outbursts of happiness as mentioned in the book. But ‘Sorrow in Happiness’, as his poem suggests, is a dominant[20] feature in his philosophical concept.
If we are to trace the sources by which the author was influenced and thereby he became so pessimistic, it is very clear that the Buddhist philosophy of Sūnyatā and Anitya (unreality and impermanence), the Taoist concept of mutation and immortality, and the Nineteen Ancient Poems (Ku-shih shih-chiu shou) (35a) and so forth should form the chief sources. In one of these poems which begins with the words, “Driving the chariot to the eastern gate”, a description is given of the dreary conditions of a grave yard. It runs as follows:
The dead lie there quietly and never to awake from sleep; slowly the time passes by.
Alas! Man’s life is like a drop of morning dew.
The statements mode by two other famous poets point to the same direction. Poet Li Pai (36a) says in one of his essays:
Life is like a dream, how much could any one enjoy? How long could a person live? Let us sing while we enjoy a drink.[21][22]
The popular religious aspects as featured in the Red Chamber Dream, do not seem to be important from the standpoint of the author. But they do form an essential part of social life in the eighteenth century Chinese society, especially among the upper class Chinese. Even to-day, some of these practices and beliefs may still be observed in the Mainland, or else in Taiwan and Hongkong. In general, they are associated with Taoism and Buddhism, though there are exceptions. They may be partly due to Confucian influence, and partly connected with local superstitions. A striking feature concerning the leading religions during this period is the unusual degree of harmony between the Taoist and the Buddhist. It is noted that members of the same family may have the option of becoming a follower of either Buddhism or Taoism. This is illustrated in the
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case of the Princess Ancestress (Chia mu) (39a), or Lao tsu-tsung (40a) who was a Buddhist, while Chia Ching (41a) the (Prine Hermit), her nephew, was a Taoist.[24][25] It is on account of this, the members of the Chia House observed Taoist and Buddhist ceremonies. For the convenience of our study, we shall examine separately these religious elements and practices.
The author has a good knowledge of Buddhist literature, especially the popular literary works. He knows the story i) of Trioitaka[26] of the Great T’ang dynasty (T’ang san-tsang) (42a), who went to India, accompanied by Sun Wu-kung (43a) or the Monkey and other disciples, in search of Buddhist scriptures; ii) of Bodhidharma’s[27] practice of meditation in front of a blank wall, and his miraculous crossing of a river; iii) of Hui-nêng, (44a)[28] the 6th patriarch of the Ch’an school, who was actually an illiterate, but was nominated to the high office of patriarch, owing to a stanza composed by him; iv) of the work called Wu-têng hui-yüan (45a) or The five lamps traced back to the common source,[29] and many other instances of intuitional outburst concerning Zen practice and terminology. It may be of interest to us, if we examine this topic a little further.
One various occasions when Pao-yü was annoyed by, or angry with somebody, he would sat alone with closed eyes and legs practicing Zen, or hold conversations with his associates, or compose short stanzas similar to the sayings of famous Zen masters. One of the stanzas is cited below:
You realize, I realize, And the mind realizes. There is no realization at all. Thus, it may be said that one has realized. When there is nothing that can be called realization. Then, it is the ground on which one may put his feet.
When there is ground on which to put one’s feet, Then, it will be perfect and complete.
On the same occasion, Tai-yü put the following questions[30][31] to Pao-yü, after he style of Zen masters:
Pao-yü, I wish to question you. The most valuable is the precious, And the most hard substance is jade, What value have you and What firmness have you?
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Some two years later, Pao-yü said that the world would be free from trouble, if he had not been born. Commenting on this, Tai-yü said:
It is because of the self, there are other; and because of others, the innumerable evil dispositions such as fear, distortion and day-dreaming are arisen, in addition to many other obstructions. ..….All these are due to your confused imagination, and you have entered the path of Mara.
Noticing that Pao-yü was convinced, Tai-yü pushed the matter further by putting to him the following questions:
What will you do, if sister Pao is friendly with you? What will you do, if she is not friendly with you? What will you do, if she was friendly with you in The past, but not now? What will you do, if she is friendly with you now, But not in the future? What will you do, if you wish to be friendly with her, But she does not like to be friendly with you? And what will you do, if you are not friendly with her, But insistently she wants to be friendly with you?
On the practical and institutional aspects, the Chia House was closely associated with many Buddhist monasteries and nunneries, such as Lung-ts’ui an (46a) or the Purple-tinted Convent,[32][33] Pan-hsiang ssū (47a) or the Dragon-incense Monastery,[34] Sui-yüen an (48a) or the Moon-in-water Convent,[35] Chih-t’ung ssū (49a) or the Wisdom-comprehension Monastery,[36] Hu-lu miao (50a) or the Bottle-gourd Temple,[37] Pu-t’ung ssū (51a) or the Eastern Pu Monastery[38] and Ti-tsang an (52a) or the Ksitigarbha Convent[39] and others. It was the practice with this House that Taoist and Buddhist priests were maintained in its family temples. For the occasion of the home-coming of Yüan-chün who was the secondary Imperial consort and a sister of Pao-pü, young Buddhist and Taoist nuns were specially trained to recite Sūtras,[40] so that they would be able to attend on her, when she was praying in the Grand View Garden (53a). Further, when the funeral rites of Ch’in K’ê-ch’ing (54a) were to be performed, leading Buddhist and Taoist high priests were invited to perform a religious service for forty-nine days. They had their religious plateforms elected side by side at the Ning-kuo Palace (55a)[41]. On another occasion, when Yu Erh-chieh (56a) a second wife of Chia Lien (57a) committed suicide, Buddhist and Taoist monks were invited to say prayers[42] in order to save the soul of the dead. In addition, there were family temples maintained by other high officials. In these places Buddhist nuns used to reside and devote themselves to religious practices.[43]
Moreover, the Buddhist priests played another important part when there was a birthday celebration of the persons in high positions. This was witnessed in the case of the Princess Ancestress’s eightieth birthday.[44] On this occasion several Buddhist monasteries were requested to recite the Sūtra on safety and longevity (Pao-an yen-shou ching) (58a), and Pao-yü was sent to kneel down before the shrines while the recitation took place. At the same time two Buddhist nuns were invited to her Palace to bless a good measure of beans by chanting Buddhist stanzas. These beans were called ‘Fu-tou’ (59a) or Buddhist beans,[45] and they were distributed free to people at a cross road, so that they, too, might reach a grand age of eighty. The copying of Buddhist texts such as the Vajracchedikā-prajñapāramitā-Sūtra (Chin-kang Ching) (60a) for free distribution, the recitation of the names of the Buddhas, and the practice of confining oneself to vegetarian diet, occasionally, were observed by the Princess Ancestress, though she confessed that she had not taken up those matters very seriously.[46]
From the foregoing instances, it is clear that Buddhism exerted a profound
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influence on society at that time. The fact that Pao-yü and His-chün (61a), two well known members of the Chia House who joined the Buddhist Order, the former became a monk and the latter a nun, is ample evidence to indicate the powerful impact of Beddhism. In addition, Miao-yü (62a) who was a close associate of the inmates of the Grand View Garden, and famed for her learning, artistic way of living and unusual temperament, was also a Buddhist nun. Pao-yü and other young ladies showed her great respect thinking that she was far superior to them in every way. Judging by this, one may say that the attitude of the eighteenth century Chinese society towards Buddhism and Buddhist institutions was favourable.
In this novel, the two most mysterious figures who are closely associated with the jade of Pao-yü, until his renunciation of the world, are K’ung-k’ung Tao-jên or the Taoist of Emptiness, and Mang-mang ta-shih or the Great Scholar of Boundlessness. The former is a Taoist and the latter a Buddhist. The strange thing about them is that they are always together. It may be argued that they are fictitious characters. Even so, one cannot deny the fact that the Buddhists and Taoists were, in general, friendly towards one another at that time. This is stated earlier in the case of Ch’in Kê-ch’ing’s funeral, where the leading Buddhist and Taoist priests preformed religious services for her on the same platform.[47]
Of imaginary nature is the Fairy Queen-of-warning-the-Illusive of the Phantom Realm of the Great Void.[48] This is undoubtedly influenced by Taoist thought and literature such as the Immortal of Miao-ku-shê Mountain (63a)[49], the Song of Eternal Regret by Pei Chü-i (64a), the Record o Eternal Regret by Ch’en Hung (65a), and the Unofficial Biography[50][51][52] of Yang T’ai-ch’en by Yüeh Shih. (66a) These works describe in detail the heavenly paradise of Yang T’ai-chên, who was the most favourate secondary Queen of Emperor Hsüan-tsung (67a), but died under tragic circumstances. The description of the Phantom Realm has a very close similarity to Yang T’ai-ch’en’s Dream-land. Of course, neither of them exists on this earth. If there is any difference between them, it is only this, that the Dream-land of Yang T’ai-ch’en was discovered by a Taoist through his magic power, whereas the Phantom Realm was supposed to have been seen by P ao-yü in his dream.
Among the more important Taoist scriptures, the following works are mentioned, i) Ts’an tung-ch’i or the Meditational Communion (68a)[53], ii) Yüan-min
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pao (69a)[54] or the Bud of original life, iii) Kan-ying pien (70a)[55] or On the spiritual Response and iv) Nan-hua ching (71a) or Chuang-tzū. It seems that Pao-yü was Keenly interested in some of the philosophical ideas of Chuangtzū. Not only did he fully approve his scheme of preventing crimes which might be committed by robbers and thieves, but he imitated his style and composed an essay on how one might escape from the snares and entanglements of the fair sex. Apparently Pao-yü was not serious about what he had written. Nevertheless, the Taoist idea of leading a life free from family attachment, must have imprinted itself deep in his sub-consciousness.
On the institutional aspect we come across many names of Taoist monasteries such as Ch’ing-hsü kuan (72a) or the Pure Void Monastery,[56][57] T’ien-ch’i miao (73a) or the Skyscraping Temle[58] and yüan-chen kuan (74a) or the Primordial Truth Monastery,[59] and so forth. It is clear that the Taoist, too, played an important part at that time, in regard to their contribution to society. They participated in the funeral[60] rites of noble persons as seen in the case of Ch’in K’ê-ch’ing, performed a thanksgiving service for peace (P’ing-an chiao) (75a) on being requested by a member of the Imperial household. On such occasions it provided great opportunities for the rich families to offer and accept gifts, to make a pleasure trip into the country, and convert the monastery apartments into a temporary hotel. In addition, a chief Taoist priest even made proposals[61] of marriage with reference to Pao-yü. They used to issue charms[62] to the children of wealthy families. Some of them were experts in divination by interpreting the positions of the eight diagrams (Pa-kua) (76a) based on the Book of Changes,[63] or the verses obtained through planchette.[64] They were also locally trained physicians and pharmacists. One of them prepared a medicated laster (77a) which could cure any ailment as soon as it was stuck on, and there was no necessity to use it again. Therefore, the manufacturer of this plaster earned the nick name of Wang, the-stick-it-only-once (78a)[65].
Further, the same Taoist wrote a prescription for the cure of gealousy which was a concoction consisting of crystlized sugar, candid peel and pieces of pear. However, he was frank, and confessed that he had been a quack; If he really knew the secret, he would have attained the high rank of an Immortal.[66] It is believed that the Taoists possessed magical powers which could commend spirits and invoke divine generals[67] (Chü-shen chao-chiang) (79a), although no concrete example was given. The preparing of horoscopes and fortunetelling were also some of the functions[68] of the Taoists. On the occasion of birthday celebrations
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of a distinguished person, the Taoists as well as the Buddhists would giv him presents consisting of the ollowing items:[69] A protecitive charm, an image of the God of Longevity (Shou-hsin) (80a), the name of his Zodiacal patron deity for a particular year, and so forth. These, in short, are some of the contributions made by the Taoists towards society in the eighteenth century China. They appear to be very magnificent.
As this novel reflects the way of life prevailing in the eighteenth century society of China, it is natural that we come across many references concerning the moral and ethical ideals of Confucianism. This is well-illustrated in chapter[70] when Pao-yü was severely punished by his father on account of his inexcusable misdeeds. Chia Chêng (81a), his father, felt that it was his duty and responsibility to bring up his son properly, so that Pao-yü might bring honour and glory (Kuang-tsung yao-tsu) (82a) to the ancestors[71] of the China House. This is based on the teaching of Confucian filial piety. As Pao-yü was brought up very badly and spoilt by the members of his family, he blamed himself for having violated the ethics of filial piety. This incident also refers to the teaching of Confucius that a father should behave like a father,[72] and a son like a son. In this way, we do find many instances of moral and ethical teachings of Confucianism, but not so much of philosophical influence as in the case of Buddhism and Taoism. We shall, therefore, confine ourselves to the popular Chinese religious elements which may, or may not necessary be associated with Confucianism.
This type of worship has a very ancient origin, and we could not possibly fix a definite data for its early beginning. It is, however, obvious that during the time of Confucius, the practice of making offerings to the ancestral temple, was very popular. This could be inferred from the statement made by Tseng-tzū (83a):
The respectful performance of funeral rites to parents and which is followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice-will improve the virtue of the people. That parents, when alive, should be served according to propriety; and when dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety.
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As a gesture of religious piety, cooked foods and incense were offered on that eve at the shrines of the Buddha, and to the God of the Stove (Fu-t’ang, Chao-wang) (84a). To do this on the occasion of worshipping the ancestors, it indicates that the veneration[75] of the Buddha was an integral part of the national life of the Chinese. It may be mentioned in passing that some of the officials of the Ch’ing Court were unable to make the annual offering to their ancestral temples. To them, as well as to the well-to-do families, an allowance was given by the Court for that purpose. This achieves two ends, one being an encouragement for practicing filial piety, and the other an indirect hint that subjects should be loyal to the Emperor,[76] in accordance with the Confucian teachings.
Associated with this cult, seasonal offerings are made to the ancestral tombs, especially on the occasion of Ch’ing-ming (85a)[77][78] (about the beginning of April). This is a very ancient custom which was mentioned in the Mencius. It is stated that a man from Ch’i (Ch’i-jen) (86a) used to beg and enjoy the leftovers of sacrificial offerings which were offered to the ancestral graves[79] in a country cemetery.
One of the items used at these sacrificial offerings was the burning of paper-money (not currency notes). They believed that by doing so, the departed ancestors would be greatly relieved of their financial difficulties. However, this type of remittance does not confine itself to the ancestors, but applicable also to departed friends or beloved ones, as seen in the case of Ou-kuan’s[80] remittance to Yo-kuan (87a).
Thus, we see the profound influence of this cult. Owing to its ethical and social value, it may continue to occupy an important place in human society, especially in the East.
Of sociological and psychological interest is a terrible event which occurred to two leading figures of the Chia House, viz., Pao-yü and Wang His-fêng (88a), a cousin sister-in-law, of Pao-yü and one of the most brillient femaline characters in the Red Chamber Dream. It happened in this way. One day, all of a sudden, Pao-yü felt a severe headache as if some one had hit his head with a huge club. He also felt as if his head had been tightened with several iron clamps. He gave a heartrenting cry of pain, and leaped up about four feet from the ground. He was delirious and wanted to commit suicide. While this took place, Wang His-fêng carried a sharpknife rushing to the Grand View Garden.[81] She attempted to kill everyone within her reach, be it a fowl, a dog or a human being. She felt as if she had been possessed, and was ordered to kill all the living beings. She had no control of herself and did not know what she was doing. The members of the Chia House were greatly worried. They tried almost every available means at their command. Among the remedies suggested were i) to get a sorcerer to drive away the evil spirits (Sung-sui) (89a), ii) to perform a devil dance for appeasing the spirits and deities, iii) to enlist the help of a Taoist for catching the bogies, iv) to get charmed water and v) to send for doctors and get medical aid.[82] Apparently all these did not improve the serious condition of Pao-yü and Wang His-fêng, until a Taoist and a Buddhist monk paid them a visit and purified Tao-yü’s jade. Later, they recovered from their temporary insanity, chiefly due to the effect of this purification.[83]
Well, one may ask the question: What was the cause of this incident? Form what we have gathered, it wns due to the effect of black magic performed by a woman called Ma Tao-p’o (90a) or Ma, the Taoist Grandmother. This witch used to frequent the houses of officials and of the wealthy. She could make people fall sick and then claimed that she could cure the illness. In this process, a huge amount of money was extracted from the victims. At times she acted at
p. 17
the request of some one, and naturally she was paid a handsome sum for the job done. Here are some of the tools[84] of her trade. She had a seven-starred-lamp. Under the lamp there were several figures made of straw: one wore an iron clip, one’s chest was penetrated by a big nail, and another’s neck was tied to a lock. In addition, she had a box of naked male and female figures made of ivory, seven red fine needles and scented medicinal pills. By comparing the tools with the description of Pao-yü’s severe headache, one may understand the cause of his trouble. However, the practice of such magic was against the law. Therefore, on another occasion she was arrested by the Imperial Security Bureau (Chin-i-fu) (91a) and put into prison. Probably she was sentenced to death. This serves as a warning that the practice of black magic is immoral and anti-social. Hence it should not be permitted in a civilized society.
Another case of practicing black magic was connected with Chin-kuei (92a), wife of Hsüeh P’an (93a). It is said that a figure cut out of paper, was placed in Chin-kuei’s pillow-case along with a description of her horoscope. Five needles were pinned down at the points of heart, ribs, limbs and other places of the paper figure. Actually, this was a false case being cleverly designed by Chin-kuei, in order to involve Hsiang-lin (94a) a maid of her husband. For the purpose of our study, it is clear that in addition to figures made of straw as mentioned earlier, human figures cut out of paper, were sometimes used for performing black magic.
The question concerning the existence of ghosts and spirit is a controversial issue. Some are in favuor[85][86][87] of this theory, while others against it. The author of the Red Chamber Dream seems quite uncertain about it. On the positive side, he has given us the following interesting cases: i) He believes that the soul of a departed individual could appear in a dream or in the form of a ghost, in order to give a certain advice as in the case of Ch’in K’ê-ch’ing.[88] ii) Before her death, Wang His-fêng saw in broad day light, the ghost of Yu Erh-chieh (95a)[89], a co-wife of her husband and for whose death she was fully responsible. Later, she realized that she had come to demand the repayment of her life. iii) King Yama (yen-lo wnag) (96a), lord of the Kingdom of Death, administers justice and punishes those who have committed sins during their life time. This is illustrated in the case of Chao I-liang (97a)[90], a concubine of Chia Chêng. It seems she was punished and tortured to death through the agent of King Yama, on account of her causing suffering to Pao-yü and Wang His-fêng by means of Ma Tao-p’o’s black magic. And iv) There is a possibility that the soul of a dead person,
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especially those who passed away under tragic circumstances, may posses a person, and make that person confess his or her misdeeds. This was suggested by some that Chao I-liang had been possessed by Yüan-yang (98a)[91], a maid of the Princess Ancestress, although this was a mere guess.
On the other hand, the author appears to be sarcastic about some of the ghost stories which had originated from the Grand View Garden. Take for instance, he ridicules the unnecessary worry and confusion created in the mind of the members of Chia House, when Yu Shih (99a). wife of Chia Chên and her husband fell sick after a visit to the Grand View Garden on two separate occasions. During the period of her illness, soothsayers were called upon to predict the outcome of it, by means of divination based on the Book of Changes and other methods. Taoist priests were also invited to perform religious service in grand style. Besides the highest Taoist officials, heavenly generals were invoked and devils or evil spirits were supposed to have been caught.[92] One may be curious to know what was the cause of all the trouble? Ultimately it was revealed by one of the servants who was an eyewitness to the incident. He said that it was a big cock pheasant which leaped forward and passed along the path when they visited the Grand View Garden. Being frightened, they deliberately maintained the lie uttered by Shuan-erh (100a) that they had seen a bogy with a yellow face and a red beard, and it was dressed in green.[93]
If that was the truth which the members of the Chia House had believed, we may say that it was really a big farce.
There was a faint idea in early China that life does not end with doath. It may undergo a process of change. But we may not be able to know the mystery of such changes. According to this theory, the author of the Red Chamber Dream seems to suggest, though at times jokingly, that living beings and inanimate things may continue to live in different forms, and some of which may be invisible. The following instances will illuitrate this trend:
i) Before the death of Ch’ing-wên (101a), a clever and beautiful maid of Pao-yü, two of her friends went to see her. She told one of them that she would become a Fairy in heaven looking after the flowers, especially hibiscus.[94] This was a deliberate lie manufactured by a maid with a motive of pleasing Pao-yü. The hero of the novel, not only did not disbelieve it, but accepted the whole
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ii) According to ancient Chinese custom, the day of Mang-chung (103a) (It fell on the 26th of the 4th Moon on this particular occasion.) is reserved for young girls to bid farewell to the Fairy of Flowers (Hua-shen) (104a). It is said that after this day the flowers will fade away, therefore, she should pack up and go home.[95][96] Further, Pao-yü believed that there was a Fairy in charge of apricot flowers. (105a)[97] This points out that people believe in the existence of such Fairies. |
iii) Leaving aside the above-mentioned beliefs, the author seems to think that there existed a sort of flower-devil (Hua-yao) (106a). This is based on a report that a number of pryus spectabilis (Hai-tnag) (107a) flowers in the private garden of Pao-yü had wither for quite some time, but suddenly bloomed out of season in winter. Therefore, a section of the Chia House thought it to be an inauspicious portent. Possibly it was the creation of a devil. |
iv) The belief that there were deities in charge of fatal disease such as the God of Plague (Wên-shen) (108a) and Goddess of Smallpox (Tou-chen liang-liang) (109a), seems to be fairly popular at that time. The God of Plague is described as having a green face and a red beard.[98][99][100] The motive of worshipping them might have been fear, as it is a matter concerning life and death, should anybody be assailed by such a dreadful disease. |
v) Finally one of the most popular beliefs in early China is that an animal in the form of a Fairy-Fox (Hu-li ching) (110a)[101] may be able to transform itself into a beautiful woman and bewitch the young men of the area. This belief is also applicable to a statue made of clay which was elected in memory of a young lady who died in her teen age. However, this was fabricated by Liu Lao-lao (111a), an old country woman for the purpose of amusing the elite of the Grand View Garden. Naturally one should not take it seriously. But the comic aspect of it was that Pao yü faithfully believed it to be true. He sent his boy Pei-ming (112a) to make a search for the statue, and worship it on his behalf. Later, the boy returned and complained to him that he had experienced great difficulties in locating the place where the statue was enshrined. Finally he did come across one, but he was frightened to death. The reason being that instead of the image of a beautiful young lady, he saw the statue of the God of Plague with a horrible appearance.[102][103] |
The foregoing passages may give us some idea regarding the more popular elements of religious practices and beliefs prevailing at the time when the Red Chamber Dream was written. Of course, it is not for us to say the extent to which the truth of these stories could be proved. If we do, it would be beyond our scope of studies.
On the philosophical aspect, the general outlook on life, as illustrated in the novel, is very pessimistic. This is partly due to the author’s bitter experience in life which he could not easily forget, and partly owing to the deep influence of Buddhist philosophy of impermanence, and Taoist doctrine of mutation. Looking from this standpoint, one may be permitted to say that Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in’s views could be traced to the sources of ancient Chinese culture and philosophies.
It may be stressed in passing, that the Red Chamber Dream is really an outstanding work. Apart from its most excellent literary merit, it provides us with a mine of information concerning various aspects of Chinese society and culture of the Ch’ing period. It is hoped that Sinologists will pay more attention to the study of this great novel.
1A 紅樓夢 2A 曹雪芹 3A 曹 璽
4A 曹 寅 5A 曹 顒 6A 曹 頫
7A 江寧織造 8A 康熙,清聖祖 9A 雍正,清世宗
10A 乾隆,清高宗 11A 內務府員外郎 12A 賈寶玉
13A 元 春 14A 寶 釵 15A 黛 玉
16A 賈 蘭 17A 賈 政 18A 毘陵驛
19A 空空道人 20A 茫茫大士 21A 渺渺真人
22A 警幻仙子 23A 太虛幻境 24A 朝啼司
25A 暮哭司 26A 薄命司 27A 好了歌
28A 哭花詩 29A 神 仙 30A 恨無常
31A 分骨肉 32A 樂中悲 33A 虛花悟
34A 好事終 35A 古詩十九首 36A 李 白
37A 曹 操 38A 自色悟空 39A 賈 母
40A 老祖宗 41A 賈 敬 42A 唐三藏
43A 孫悟空 44A 惠 能 45A 五燈會元
46A 櫳翠菴 47A 蟠香寺 48A 水月菴
49A 智通寺 50A 葫蘆廟 51A 蒲東寺
52A 地藏菴 53A 大觀園 54A 秦可卿
55A 寧國府 56A 尤二姐 57A 賈 璉
58A 保安延壽經 59A 佛 豆 60A 金剛經
61A 惜 春 62A 妙 玉 63A 藐姑射之山有神人焉
64A 白居易:長恨歌 65A 陳鴻:長恨傳 66A 樂史:太真外傳
67A 玄 宗 68A 叅同契 69A 元命苞
70A 感應篇 71A 南華經 72A 清虛觀
73A 天齊廟 74A 元真觀 75A 平安醮
76A 八 卦 77A 膏 藥 78A 王一貼
79A 驅神招將 80A 壽 星 81A 賈 政
82A 光宗耀祖 83A 曾 子 84A 佛堂灶王
85A 清 明 86A 齊 人 87A 藕官藥官
88A 王熙鳳 89A 送 崇 90A 馬道婆
91A 錦衣府 92A 金 桂 93A 薛 蟠
94A 香 菱 95A 尤二姐 96A 閻羅王
97A 趙姨娘 98A 鴛 鴦 99A 尤 氏
100A 拴 兒 101A 睛 雯 102A 芙蓉女兒
103A 芒 種 104A 花 神 105A 杏花神
106A 花 妖 107A 海 棠 108A 瘟 神
109A 痘疹娘娘 110A 狐狸精 111A 劉老老
112A 焙 茗 113A 石頭記 114A 金陵十二釵
115A 風月賓鑑 116A 情僧錄 117A 金玉緣
118A 蔣瑞藻:小說考證 119A 文輯:中國古典小說講話 120A 吳恩裕:有關曹雪芹八種
121A 高 鶚 122A 春夜晏桃李園序 123A 古詩源
124A 色 125A 色 空 126A 莊子集釋
127A 唐宋傳奇集
[1] The other titles for this work are i) Shin-tou chi (113a) or A Record on a Stone; ii) Chin-ling shih-erh ch’ai (114a) or the Twelve Beauties of Nanking; iii) Fèng-yüeh pao-chien (115a) or A Precious Mirror for Romantic Life; iv) Ch’ing-sêng lu (116a) or Memoirs of a Passionate Monk and v) Chin-yü yüan (117a) or A Marriage between the Gold and the Jade. Cf. Wu Shih-ch’ang, On the Red Chamber Dream, (Oxford, 1961), p. 1.
[2] Ibid., pp. 4-5; Chiang Shui-tsao, Hsiao-shuo k’ao-chêng (118a) or The Verification of Chinese Novels (Shanghai, 1957), p. 558.
[3] Wen Chi, Chung-kuo ku-tien hsiao-shuo chiang-hua (119a) or Talks on Classical Chinese Novels (Hongkong, 1958), p. 3.
[4] Ibid., p. 23.
[5] See Wu En-yü, Yu-kuan Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in pa-chung (120a) or The Eight Works concerning Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in (Shanghai, 1958), pp. 28, 30 and 100; Lu Hsün is of the opinion that Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in’s son died in 1762. See A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Peking, 1959), pp. 313-314; see the “Introductory Notes about the Author”, Hung-lou mêng (The Author’s Publishing House, Peking, 1953). Pp. 5-6. This edition, on which the study of the present paper is based, consists of 120 chapters. It is generally accepted that the first 80 chapters were written by Ts’ao Hsueh-ch’in and the remaining 40 chapters by Kao Ngo (121a) in 1791.
[6] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 1, 9. 3.
[7] Ibid., ch. 2, p. 17.
[8] Ibid., ch. 97, pp.1102-1114.
[9] Ibid., ch. 119, pp. 1346-1348.
[10] Ibid., ch. 120, p. 1354.
[11] Ibid., ch. 1, p. 1.
[12] Ibid., ch. 1, p. 3.
[13] Ibid., ch. 1, p. 4.
[14] Ibid., ch. 5, p. 48.
[15] Ibid., ch. 5, p. 48.
[16] Ibid., ch. 5, p. 53.
[17] Ibid., ch. 1, p. 10.
[18] Ibid., ch. 27, pp. 280-1.
[19] Ibid., ch. 5, pp. 53-5.
[20] Ibid., ch. 5, p. 54.
[21] Li Po, “Ch’un-yeh an tao-li-yüan hsü” (122a) or “On a Party held at the Peach-Plum Garden in a Spring Night”.
[22] Cf. Ku-shih yüan (123a).
[23] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 1, p. 3. The character ‘sê (124a)’, in the traditional Chinese usage, has the meaning of ‘colour, beauty, appearance and of the fair sex’. However, in the Chinese Buddhist terminology, it means ‘form, matter, substance etc’., because this wastranslated from the Sanskrit ‘Rūpya’. When Ts’ao Hsüeh-ch’in uses the phrase ‘Sê-k’ung (125a)’, the word ‘sê’ has the meaning of ‘woman, beauty, fair sex etc.’ The original Sanskrit meaning is not indicated here.
[24] Ibid., ch. 106, p. 1202; ch. 39, p. 411.
[25] Ibid., ch. 11, p. 110; ch. 53, p. 584.
[26] Ibid., ch. 54, p. 596; ch. 73, p. 822. Also see Arthur Waley’s traslation entitled, The Monkey.
[27] Ibid., ch. 85, p. 979; ch. 64, p. 716. Also see Taishô, Vol. 51, pp. 219-20.
[28] Ibid., ch. 22, p. 223; Also see the Sūtra of Wei Lang (London, 1953), pp. 11-26.
[29] This is a collection of sayings of the Chinese Zen masters. Ibid., ch. 118, p. 1335.
[30] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 22, p. 22, p. 222.
[31] Ibid., ch. 22, p. 223.
[32] Ibid., ch. 91, p. 1043.
[33] Ibid., ch. 41, p. 439.
[34] Ibid., ch. 41. p. 441.
[35] Ibid., ch. 93, p. 1061.
[36] Ibid., ch. 2, p. 15.
[37] Ibid., ch. 1, p. 9.
[38] Ibid., ch. 51, p. 552.
[39] Ibid., ch. 71, p. 802.
[40] Ibid., ch. 18, pp. 174-182.
[41] Ibid., ch. 13, p. 129.
[42] Ibid., ch. 69, p. 787.
[43] Ibid., ch. 58, p. 643.
[44] Ibid., ch. 71, p. 800.
[45] Ibid., ch. 71, p. 807.
[46] Ibid., ch. 109, p. 1241.
[47] Ibid., ch. 13, p. 129.
[48] Ibid., ch. 5, p. 14.
[49] Kuo Ch’ing-fan (ed), Chuangtzu chi-shih (126a) or A Collective Commentary on Chuengtzu (Peking, 1961), Vol. 1, p. 28.
[50] Lu Hsün (ed), T’ang-sung chuan-ch’i chi (127a) or A Collection of well-known Stories of the T’ang and Sung Dynasties, pp. 106-108.
[51] Ibid., pp. 103-106.
[52] Ibid., pp. 232-249.
[53] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 21, p.210.
[54] Ibid., ch. 118, p. 1335.
[55] Ibid., ch. 73, p. 831.
[56] Ibid., ch. 21, pp. 210-211.
[57] Ibid., ch. 28, p. 294.
[58] Ibid., ch. 80, pp. 916-918.
[59] Ibid., ch. 63, p. 710.
[60] Ibid., ch. 13, p. 129.
[61] Ibid., ch. 28, pp. 294-305.
[62] Ibid., ch. 28, p. 302.
[63] Ibid., ch. 102, pp. 1160-1162.
[64] Ibid., ch. 91, p. 1081. However, it should be noted that this was performed by Miao-yü, a Buddhist nun.
[65] Ibid., ch. 80, p. 917.
[66] Ibid., ch. 80, p. 918.
[67] Ibid., ch. 73, p. 830.
[68] Ibid., ch. 69, p. 785.
[69] Ibid., ch. 62, p. 682.
[70] Ibid., ch. 33, p. 347.
[71] Confucian Analects, Book xii, ch. 11.
[72] Ibid., Book i, ch. 9.
[73] Ibid., Book ii, ch. 5.
[74] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 53, p. 579.
[75] Ibid., ch. 53, pp. 581-584.
[76] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 53, pp. 576-7.
[77] Ibid., ch. 13, p. 124.
[78] Ibid., ch. 58, p. 644.
[79] The Work of Mencius, Book iv, ch. 33.
[80] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 58, pp. 645-649.
[81] Ibid., ch. 25, pp. 256-59; ch. 81, pp. 926-927.
[82] Ibid., ch, p. 256.
[83] Ibid., ch. 25, p. 259.
[84] Ibid., ch. 81, p. 927.
[85] Ibid., ch. 81, p. 926.
[86] Ibid., ch. 80, p. 913.
[87] Joe Hyams, “Our haunted House”, Reader’s Digest (December, 1966), pp. 118-122.
[88] Hung-lou mêng, ch. 13,pp. 124-125; ch. 101, p. 1148.
[89] Ibid., ch. 113, p. 1274; ch. 69, pp. 781-786.
[90] Ibid., ch. 112, pp. 1270-1273.
[91] Ibid., ch. 112, p. 1270.
[92] Ibid., ch. 102, pp. 1160-1165.
[93] Ibid., ch. 102, p. 1165.
[94] Ibid., ch. 78, pp. 891-892.
[95] Ibid., ch. 78, pp. 898-900.
[96] Ibid., ch. 27, pp. 272-273.
[97] Ibid., ch. 58, p. 645.
[98] Ibid., ch. 94, pp. 1070-1072.
[99] Ibid., ch. 39, p. 419; ch. 21, p. 212.
[100] Ibid., ch. 39, p. 419.
[101] Ibid., ch. 64, p. 716.
[102] Ibid., ch. 39, pp. 416-418.
[103] Ibid., ch. 39, p. 419.